
Before dawn on Wednesday, 3,000 police officers arrived at the heavily fortified residence of suspended South Korean President Yoon Suk-yul.
Their mission: to arrest him.
Investigators used ladders to climb buses and crops to cut razor wire as they broke through several barricades that were designed to stop them. Others climbed nearby paths to reach the presidential residence.
Hours later, they arrested him.
This was their second attempt. The first operation, which took place earlier this month, saw about 150 officers face off in a six-hour stalemate with the president’s guards.
They were helplessly outnumbered, first by the large number of Yoon’s supporters who had gathered outside his residence to stop the police, and then by a human wall of security officers inside the property.
Ultimately, investigators concluded that it was “virtually impossible” to arrest him – and left.
By many accounts, Yoon is now a disgraced leader – he has been impeached and suspended from his presidential duties, while he… The decision of the Constitutional Court is awaitedWhich could remove him from his position.
Why was his arrest so difficult?
The men who guard the president
It has been an unprecedented few weeks for South Korea since Yoon’s shocking but short-lived martial law order on December 3.
Lawmakers voted to impeach him, then came the criminal investigation and his refusal to appear for questioning, which led to the issuance of the arrest warrant.
One of the main obstacles to the arresting officers was Leon’s presidential security team, which on January 3 formed a human wall and used vehicles to block the officers’ path.
Analysts said they could have acted out of loyalty to Yoon, pointing to the fact that Yoon himself appointed many of the leaders of the Presidential Security Service (PSS).
“It is possible that Yoon planted the organization with hardline loyalists in preparation for precisely this eventuality,” says Christopher Jumin Lee, a US-based lawyer and Korea expert.
It is unclear why they are said to have offered less resistance this time, although Mr Lee believes the team may have been partly deterred by the “overwhelming show of force by the police”.
“Ultimately, I believe they simply were not prepared to engage in the kind of large-scale violence against law enforcement officers that a full defense of Yoon would have required,” he said.
Earlier this week, the CIO warned the Preventive Security Service that they risk losing their pensions and their status as civil servants for obstructing arrest.
In return, she reassured those who “defy illegal orders” to prevent arrest that they “will not face any disadvantages.”
Yonhap News Agency reported on Wednesday that several party members were either on leave or chose to remain inside the headquarters.
Aside from his security, the right-wing leader also has a strong support base. Some of his supporters had previously told the BBC that they were Willing to die to protect him They repeated unsubstantiated claims that Yoon himself had resurfaced, including that the country had been infiltrated by forces loyal to North Korea.
On January 3, thousands of them camped outside his house, undeterred by the freezing temperatures, to prevent the arrest team from moving. They cried with joy when they discovered that the team was surrendering.
It was a similar story on Wednesday, when a large crowd of Yoon’s supporters showed up and some of them aggressively confronted police to stop the arrest.
Some of them cried when they heard about Yoon’s arrest.
“Incompetent” agency.
But the organization that has really come into the spotlight is the Chief Corruption Investigation Office (CIO), which is leading the investigation jointly with the police.
Questions have been raised about how she failed to arrest Yoon in her first attempt, and critics accused her of being unprepared and lacking in coordination.
The agency was established four years ago by the previous administration, in response to public anger over former President Park Geun-hye, who was removed from office and later imprisoned over a corruption scandal.
This month’s failed attempt was “another black eye” for the IT director, who “doesn’t have a good reputation, for political and capacity reasons,” says Mason Ritchie, an associate professor at Hankuk University of Foreign Studies in Seoul.

Associate Professor Ritchie says IT managers may view today’s successful arrest as a victory, but it remains to be seen how they will handle the investigation in the future.
He adds: “Many people do not trust their messages about the investigation.”
“We got into this mess after various organizations rushed to lead the investigation for their own gain,” says lawyer Lee Chang-min, a member of the activist organization Lawyers for a Democratic Society.
He adds: “Even if the Joint Investigative Body is retained, the case must be handed over to the police, which must assert its authority.”
In fact, the CIO does not have the authority to press charges against Yoon, and is expected to hand over the case to prosecutors after investigating it.
Yoon’s lawyers also argue that the CIO, as an anti-corruption agency, has no authority to investigate allegations of insurrection against Yoon.
South Korea is now in uncharted territory, with Yoon becoming the first president to be captured in office.
Lee says the investigations into him have “mobilized far-right populist elements” within the Conservative coalition, who may “exert significant influence on” conservative politics in the country in the future.
Additional reporting from Koh Iwi
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